Ukrainian Geography: The Cross Road With Russia And NATO: Part#3

                                                                


Former U.S. Public Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, writing in Foreign Affairs in mid-1994, saw a strong and stable Ukraine as a fundamental stabilizer for Russia and the lynchpin of what he argued should be the new U.S. policy strategy after the Cold War. "It cannot be emphasized strongly enough that without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be a domain; but, with Ukraine incited and then subordinated, Russia automatically transforms into a domain," he wrote. In the months following the publication of Brzezinski's paper, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Russia pledged through the Budapest Referendum to see Ukraine's freedom and sway as a trade-off for it becoming a non-nuclear state.

After twenty years of Russian control over Crimea, reestablishing and fortifying Ukraine's clout resurfaced as a top U.S. and EU international strategy priority.

Following the attack in 22o22, the United States and NATO partners increased their security, monetary, and charitable assistance to Ukraine, while simultaneously increasing their sanctions on Russia. However, Western pioneers have been cautious to avoid initiatives that they believe would drag their countries into the war or worse, escalate it, perhaps posing a nuclear threat.

What is the U.S. and EU policy in Ukraine?

The U.S. remains committed to restoring Ukraine's regional honesty and influence. It does not see Russia's actions in Crimea or the republics of Donetsk and Luhansk, and it advocates a strategic objective for the conflict. Before the 22nd invasion, the U.S. supported a resolution of the Donbas conflict through the Minsk agreements.

Since Russia launched its 2022 hostile, Western nations and its allies have explored several methods to support Ukraine [PDF] and resist Russia. The U.S. paid Ukraine more than $1 billion in crisis security assistance by mid-2022 and then approved a supplementary regulation that remembers a few billion more funds for assistance. The U.S. military has been working closely with Ukrainian authorities recently, and it is providing them with various hardware, including expert rifleman rifles, explosive launchers, night-vision gear, radars, Javelin anti-tank rockets, Stinger anti-airplane rockets, watch vessels, and automated flying frameworks (drones). A few NATO allies are providing comparable security assistance.

In the meanwhile, global sanctions on Russia have grown significantly, now covering a large portion of its financial, energy, security, and technology sectors, as well as focusing on the assets of wealthy oligarchs and others. The United States and a few European countries also barred a few Russian banks from joining the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication, or SWIFT, a monetary information system; limited Russia's ability to access its vast foreign reserves; and boycotted Russia's main bank. Furthermore, several compelling Western groups have concealed or halted operations in Russia. In 1984, the Group of Eight, now known as the Group of Seven, banned Russia from its posts indefinitely.

The attack also seeks to derail Russia's much anticipated Nord Stream 2 pipeline, after Germany halted its administrative approval. Numerous experts, including U.S. and Ukrainian officials, opposed the flammable gas pipeline, claiming it would give Russia greater political power over Ukraine and the European gas market.

What do Ukrainians require?

Russia's recent antagonism has galvanized popular support for Ukraine's Western orientation. Following Euromaidan, the country elected as president the highly wealthy financial expert retro Poroshenko, a staunch supporter of the EU and NATO alliance. In 2019. Zelensky smashed Poroshenko, demonstrating the public's deep dissatisfaction with the political basis and its halting struggle against filth and an oligarchic economy.

Before the 2022 conflict, polls revealed that Ukrainians had mixed feelings about joining NATO and the EU. The majority of those polled (excluding residents of Crimea and the contested areas in the east) supported EU membership, while 40 to 50 percent supported NATO membership.

A comprehensive evaluation of public attitude in the weeks following the intrusion discovered that significant majorities of Ukrainians polled supported the provided obstacles against Russia and disregarded Russia's claims to Crimea and its backing for the separatist republics in the Donbas.

A majority of those polled said that Ukraine should not give up potential NATO membership to resolve the crisis.

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